CHAPTER
1
THE WAR BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM; AND HOW THEY MADE
AN AGREEMENT THAT ARISTOBULUS SHOULD BE KING, AND HYRCANUS LIVE A PRIVATE LIFE;
AS ALSO, HOW HYRCANUS, A LITTLE AFTERWARDS, WAS PERSUADED BY ANTIPATER TO FLY
TO ARETAS
1. We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in the
foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and was connected with those
histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing so much at heart
as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance or laziness;1
for we are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest part
are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times; and we aim
to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived from proper
words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute
to the pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain the knowledge of what
we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal scope
that authors ought to aim at above all the rest, is to speak accurately, and
to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted
with such transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform them
of.
2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood
on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus
Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls
at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it
came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him,
and went over to his brother; upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where
Aristobulus's wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have
said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries that had fled
thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So when he had sent a message
to his brother about agreeing the matters between them, he laid aside his enmity
to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should
live without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate
he had acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms in the temple, and had
confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the giving one another their right hands,
and embracing one another in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed;
the one, Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the
former house of Aristobulus.
3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus,
an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active
and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences
with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It is true that Nicolaus of
Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came
out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who
was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be
king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter.
However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas,2
and that was his father's name also; of whom they relate this: that king Alexander
and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship
with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party,
and had, by many and large presents, made them his fast friends. But now this
younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid
of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred
up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately;
and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had
gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who
was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his
birth. And the same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that
his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got quit of
Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity
of advising him to kill him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his
principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle
disposition, and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men.
This temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want
of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly;
while. Aristobulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great
and generous soul.
4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus
did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned
crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind
to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded
him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply
with his advice, he would also himself assist him, [and go with him]. When Hyrcanus
heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now
Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater
first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when
he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him
up to his enemies. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to
Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of
the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the
city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar
friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and
this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed
to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in
his suit. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither,
and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve
cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these,
Medaba, Naballo, Libyas, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda,
Lussa, and Oruba.
CHAPTER
2
HOW ARETAS AND HYRCANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST ARISTOBULUS, AND BESIEGED
JERUSALEM; AND HOW SCAURUS, THE ROMAN GENERAL, RAISED THE SIEGE. CONCERNING
THE DEATH OF ONIAS
1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition
against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat
him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus as
deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which
the king of Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the temple, and
besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting Hyrcanus, and assisting
him in the siege, while none but the priests continued with Aristobulus. So
Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed
on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of unleavened
bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the principal men among the
Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was
Onias, a righteous man be was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought,
had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had
heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that
this sedition would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish
camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought,
so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his
faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still
by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them, and said,
"O God, the King of the whole world! since those that stand now with me are
thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee,
that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring
to effect what these pray against those." Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood
about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.
2. But God punished them immediately for
this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in
the manner following: while the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened
that the feast called the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer
a great number of sacrifices to God; but those that were with Aristobulus wanted
sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with
such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as
they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for
each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook to pay
for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the walls, and
gave it them. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the
sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances
they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those
that wanted them with sacrifices. And when the priests found they had been cheated,
and that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to God that
he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment,
but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the
whole country, till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.
3. In the meantime Pompey sent Scaurus into
Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when
Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollius and Metellus had newly
taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea. And when he was come thither,
ambassadors came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired
he would assist them. And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus
four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus's promise,
for he was rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what
was moderate; whereas the other was poor, and tenacious, and made incredible
promises in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to take
a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to eject out of the
country some fugitives, with a greater number of Nabateans, who were no very
warlike people. He therefore made an agreement with Aristobulus, for the reasons
before mentioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas
to depart, or else he should be declared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus
returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a great army, made war with
Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat them
in the battle, and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion
also, the brother of Antipater.
CHAPTER
3
HOW ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS CAME TO POMPEY, IN ORDER TO ARGUE WHO OUGHT TO
HAVE THE KINGDOM; AND HOW, UPON THE FLIGHT OF ARISTOBULUS TO THE FORTRESS ALEXANDRIUM,
POMPEY LED HIS ARMY AGAINST HIM, AND ORDERED HIM TO DELIVER UP THE FORTRESS
WHEREOF HE WAS POSSESSED
1. A little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Coelesyria;
at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out
of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden
vine,3 of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo
of Cappadocia mentions this present in these words: "There came also an embassage
out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and
out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they
call the thing Terpole, the Delight. However, we ourselves saw that present
reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription,
'The gift of Alexander, the King of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred
talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the Jews, sent
it."
2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors
again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which
last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus,—the
one three hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he
made these two his enemies, besides those he had before. And when Pompey had
ordered those that had controversies one with another to come to him in the
beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters, and
marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went along he demolished the
citadel that was at Apamea, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took cognizance
of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius
of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by marriage; yet
did he buy off the punishment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which
money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He also conquered the place called
Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities
of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which is on the limit of
Coelesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and there it was that he heard the
causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were
at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which
did not desire to be under kingly government, because the form of government
they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of
that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these two
were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of
their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained,
that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative
of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country
under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He also
accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors' countries,
and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and that the nation
would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man given to violence
and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem
among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was procured by
Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against him, that it was Hyrcanus's own temper,
which was inactive, and on that account contemptible, which caused him to be
deprived of the government; and that for himself, he was necessitated to take
it upon him, for fear lest it should be transferred to others. And that as to
his title [of king], it was no other than what his father had taken [before
him]. He also called for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both
young and insolent; whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments,
were detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though they
were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching
in a pompous procession.
3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these
two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake
civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he came again
into their country, he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken
a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the meantime, he ordered them to
be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt,
and hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting any
further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the city Delius,
and thence marched into Judea.
4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and
taking with him that army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the
auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the
other Roman legions which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus;
but as he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Coreae, which is the first
entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he came
to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain called
Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent his commands
to him, that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many
that he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed
with his brother about the right to the government, he went up again to the
citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two or three times,
as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted him; so that
he still pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although
at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress himself
too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as
he feared, that Pompey would transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey
enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction
to their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden
to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so; but
still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation for war.
A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey,
as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that Mithridates
was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces.
CHAPTER
4
HOW POMPEY, WHEN THE CITIZENS OF JERUSALEM SHUT THEIR GATES AGAINST HIM, BESIEGED
THE CITY, AND TOOK IT BY FORCE; AS ALSO WHAT OTHER THINGS HE DID IN JUDEA
1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm tree
grows,4 and that balsam which is an ointment of all
the most precious, which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone,
distills out thence like a juice,) he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon
Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and came to Pompey, had [promised
to] give him money, and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would
leave off the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty,
forgave him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money
and the city: yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being
both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised, because
Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed. At this
Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came himself to
the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north, which was not
so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the
city,5 and included within it the temple, which was
itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall.
2. Now there was a sedition of the men that
were within the city, who did not agree what was to be done in their present
circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey;
but Aristobulus's party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept
in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut
off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to
abide a siege; but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up both
the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with
an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace, to secure
them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which
were more distant and without it. And in the first place, he offered terms of
accommodation to those within; but when they would not comply with what was
desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus
did gladly assist him on all occasions; but Pompey pitched his camp within [the
wall], on the north part of the temple, where it was most practicable; but even
on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley
begirt it round about, for on the parts towards the city were precipices, and
the bridge on which Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was
raised, day by day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials
for it from the places round about. And when this bank was sufficiently raised,
and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth,
he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing
them on the bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown against
it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest
on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of
the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then
to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault us,
yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing
else.
3. Which thing when the Romans understood,
on those days which we call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came
to any pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought
their engines into such forwardness, that they might do execution the next day.
And any one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and
the observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from
their sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still twice
a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on the
altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened
by the stones that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on
the third month, on the day of the fast,6 upon the
hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero
were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those
that were in the temple; yet could not those that offered the sacrifices be
compelled to run away, neither by the fear they were in of their own lives,
nor by the number that were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever
came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that their laws
required of them;7 and that this is not a mere brag,
or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the
real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pompey; and,
among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus
Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing.
4. But when the battering-engine was brought
near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke
down a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius
Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall,
and next to him Furius the centurion, with those that followed on the other
part, while Fabius, who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with
a great body of men after him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the
Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were
who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and burnt
them, as not able to bear the miseries they were under. Of the Jews there fell
twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle
and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small enormities
were committed about the temple itself, which, in former ages, had been inaccessible,
and seen by none; for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were
with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see
but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the
holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and
besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred
money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this,8
on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner
that was worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those that had
the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law
required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because
he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he hindered the Jews
in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him.
He also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and bestowed proper
rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity;
and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of
Coelesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the
government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had
elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt
Gadara, which had been demolished a little before,9
to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest
of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as
also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants:
these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and
also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower;
which last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and
temples, and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state
of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.
5. Now the occasions of this misery which
came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one
against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans,
and were deprived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians,
and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted
of us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority,
which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests, by the
right of their family, became the property of private men. But of these matters
we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed Coelesyria, as far
as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then
went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound along with
him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and as many sons;
the one of which ran away, but the younger, Antigonius, was carried to Rome,
together with his sisters.
CHAPTER
5
HOW SCAURUS MADE A LEAGUE OF MUTUAL ASSISTANCE WITH ARETAS; AND WHAT GABINIUS
DID IN JUDEA, AFTER HE HAD CONQUERED ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS
1. Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on
fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty of access
to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn
out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus.
And when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he had
lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give Scaurus a sum of money,
to prevent the burning of his country, and undertook to be his surety for three
hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer;
which was done as much at Scaurus's desire, as at the desire of Aretas.
2. Some time after this, when Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome
into Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions;
and particularly made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus was not yet able to
oppose his power, but was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem,
which Pompey had overthrown, although the Romans which were there restrained
him from that his design. However, Alexander went over all the country round
about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed
footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium, a fortress
near to Coreae, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore
came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders, before. These
armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them, such Jews as were
subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus; and they took with
them also their friends that were with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabinius
himself followed with his legion. Hereupon Alexander retired to the neighborhood
of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another, and it came to a pitched battle,
in which the Romans slew of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like
number alive.
3. At which time Gabinius came to Alexandrium,
and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on certain conditions, and
promised that then their former offenses should be forgiven. But as a great
number of the enemy had pitched their camp before the fortress, whom the Romans
attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed
to come off with the greatest honor. So Gabinius left part of his army there,
in order to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and
gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that had been demolished;
at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and
Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted
according to Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities
were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.
4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country,
he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege of the place, Alexander
sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offenses;
he also delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium
itself which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander's mother, who
was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome,
came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; and when he had settled matters
with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple
to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into
the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was
at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho,
and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic
authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.10
CHAPTER
6
HOW GABINIUS CAUGHT ARISTOBULUS AFTER HE HAD FLED FROM ROME, AND SENT HIM BACK
TO ROME AGAIN; AND NOW THE SAME GABINIUS, AS HE RETURNED OUT OF EGYPT, OVERCAME
ALEXANDER AND THE NABATEANS IN BATTLE
1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding
of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers
against him, and for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius,
in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take him
again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on account of his former
glory, as also because they should be glad of an innovation. Now there was one
Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men,
although a great number of those that came to him were unarmed; and when Aristobulus
had resolved to go to Macherus, he dismissed those people, because they were
unarmed; for they could not be useful to him in what actions he was going about;
but he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as
the Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were beaten
in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were overborne by
the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about five thousand,
and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves.
However, Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand, and with them he fled
to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though he had had ill success, he
still had good hope of his affairs; but when he had struggled against the siege
for two days' time, and had received many wounds, he was brought as a captive
to Gabinius, with his son Antigonius, who also fled with him from Rome. And
this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was
there retained in bonds, having been both king and high priest for three years
and six months; and was indeed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However,
the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had
promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses to him; and
accordingly they then returned into Judea.
2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition
against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his
mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his
kingdom.11 This hath also been related elsewhere.
However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with
corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium
his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that
led into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder,
with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized
on the government a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him;
and so he marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans
he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim,
whither they had retreated.
3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such
a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious,
to try whether he could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return
to a better mind; and when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound
mind, and induced them to do what they ought to do; but he could not restrain
Alexander, for he had an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and
joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men about
Mount Tabor.
4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which
belonged to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination,
and went against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent away
in a friendly manner Mithridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and
came to him, though the report went abroad that they had run away from him.
And when Gabinius had performed great and glorious actions, in his management
of the affairs of war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the government to
Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the
expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say
anything new which is not in the other.
CHAPTER
7
HOW CRASSUS CAME INTO JUDEA, AND PILLAGED THE TEMPLE; AND THEN MARCHED AGAINST
THE PARTHIANS, AND PERISHED, WITH HIS ARMY. ALSO HOW CASSIUS OBTAINED SYRIA,
AND PUT A STOP TO THE PARTHIANS, AND THEN WENT UP TO JUDEA
1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians,
came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey
had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the
gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam,
which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each
of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of
the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not
out of a wicked design, for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted
with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable
beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when lie
saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire
ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole,
but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out
of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being
worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam
that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; yet
did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else
that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the
gold that was in the temple.
2. And let no one wonder that there was
so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth,
and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their
contributions to it, and this from very ancient times. Nor is the largeness
of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity,
as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses
to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: "Mithridates sent
to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also
eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews." Now we have no public money but
only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this
money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea,
who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it
likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither,
since they were ill no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo himself bears witness
to the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla passed
over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to
put an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full,
had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus: "There were four classes of men
among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers,
and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and
it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this
tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass that Egypt
and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other nations,
imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar
manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same
laws with that nation also. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them
in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this
nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch
allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes
care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the
ruler of a free republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because
the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit,
since they went thence, is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because
that this land adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or
rather was formerly under the same government." And this is what Strabo says.
3. So when Crassus had settled all things
as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all
his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from
Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians,
who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it. And as
he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Taricheae, and
presently took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew
Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by
the persuasion of Antipater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was
at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he
married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name
was Cypros,12 by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and
Herod, who was afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter,
named Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness
with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed
his children, while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp,
and marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath
been related by others.
4. But some time afterwards, Caesar, when
he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian
Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria,
and delivered two legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being
a potent man in that country. But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped
for from the power that was given him by Caesar; for those of Pompey's party
prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's party buried
him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony
afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulchre.
But Scipio, upon Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
because the young man was accused of what offenses he had been guilty of at
first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die at Antioch.
But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus,
took his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's
wife, and desired her to send back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters;
the one of which, whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and
married her, though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra,
and continued to take care of her brethren.
CHAPTER
8
THE JEWS BECOME CONFEDERATES WITH CAESAR WHEN HE FOUGHT AGAINST EGYPT; THE GLORIOUS
ACTIONS OF ANTIPATER, AND HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH CAESAR; THE HONORS WHICH THE JEWS
RECEIVED FROM THE ROMANS AND ATHENIANS
1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained
over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar
when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; for when
Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue
his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to
him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care
the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on his
account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear
behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar—viz., Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy
his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost
all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and
when its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater
signalised himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall,
and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this
means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt
in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their
soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their
party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing
them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate
friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of
provisions which they wanted; and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the
high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when
the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they
also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also
into his army.
2. And when Mithridates had gone over all
Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near
the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater
the left; and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave
way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to
him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy
that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had
been too hard for him to flight. He also took their camp, and continued in the
pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was
retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater's
fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared
that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation,
insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest
of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded
in one of those engagements.
3. However, when Caesar, after some time,
had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly,
and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the
privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; and it
is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition,
and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this,
when he says thus, in the name of Asinius: "After Mithridates had invaded Egypt,
and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews." Nay, the same Strabo says
thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates
at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish
affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand
soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the country
to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present
in this expedition." This is what Strabo says.
4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,
came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father's fate; and complained,
that it was by Antipater's means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and
his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him
who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also
accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering
injuries to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defence as to the accusations
that were laid against him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party were
given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind
what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and
discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added, that Aristobulus
was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, and
could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that his brother had no more
than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that
this punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or injustice by
him that did it.
5. When Antipater had made this speech,
Caesar appointed Hyrcanus to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality
he himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him
procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his
own city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by
Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the
capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows:13
"Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate,
upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the
writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe,
and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which Alexander, the
son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of
Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came
to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in
being before. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy,
valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given
them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country
and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive
any injury. It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship
and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need
of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in
the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus."
Hyrcanus also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful
to them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree,
as it here follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son
of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this
decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders, when Agathocles was archon,
and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion,
on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in
the theatre. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellow presidents with him,
put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the
sentence. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every
one of our citizens in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness;
and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any
occasion of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that
they are conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former testimonies;
it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and
upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his
purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, to honor him with a crown
of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass
in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall
be proclaimed publicly in the theatre, in the Dionysian shows, while the new
tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows
also; and that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship,
and preserves his good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to
the man for his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear
how our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and
he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors we have
already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians,
who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honors we
do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to our city." And this
shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans
and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.
CHAPTER
9
HOW ANTIPATER COMMITTED THE CARE OF GALILEE TO HEROD, AND THAT OF JERUSALEM
TO PHASAELUS; AS ALSO, HOW HEROD, UPON THE JEWS' ENVY AT ANTIPATER, WAS ACCUSED
BEFORE HYRCANUS
1. Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away. And
as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea.
He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown down by Pompey;
and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had been in the country,
and this by both threatening and advising them to be quiet; for that if they
would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live happily, and lead their lives without
disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they were
addicted to the hopes of what might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth
thereby, they should have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor,
and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar,
their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to
be set aside whom they had appointed to govern. And when Antipater had said
this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this country.
2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow
and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem,
and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next
son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age;14
but that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great
mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding
that there was one Hezekias, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the
neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew
him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; for
which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very
desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it
of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities,
as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions;
and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a
relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria. Now Phasaelus,
Herod's brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame
be had thereby gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in
deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest
good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs
improperly, nor abuse his authority therein. This conduct procured from the
nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might
partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor
of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and
fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.
3. But now the principal men among the Jews,
when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation
bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out
of Hyrcanus's own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater
had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed
with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present
intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them.
Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather
was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because
they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting
tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and
said to him, "How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done?
Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the
government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? But
do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to
escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater
and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself
with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; for Herod, Antipater's
son, hath slain Hezekiah and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed
our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked
man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim,15
yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority from
thee."
4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied
with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his
indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the
king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for
what he had done. Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned
Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came;
but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a
guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs
of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come
to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his
journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look
like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked
and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria,
wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial,
and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was
the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim,
for he loved him as his own son. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim,
with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former
accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep
silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose
name was Sameas,16 a righteous man he was, and for
that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, "O you that are assessors with
me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case,
nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is
called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every
one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself
in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors
to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning
garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called
to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the
hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we
shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may
himself escape death. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself;
he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint
is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However,
take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going
to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you
and your king himself also." Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction;
for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim,
and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for him
on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged
by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told
them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things
will be related by us in their proper places.
5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members
of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he
put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him
to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape. So he retired
to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus
Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus;
that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial,
he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great
indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus
that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant
of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing
at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Coelesyria, for
he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make
war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him;
for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as
being angry at the trial he bad been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim;
but his father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus] met him, and hindered
him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded
him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and
to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: they
also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come
to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation,
and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to
regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance.
So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales
of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore
he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him
that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing
itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil
counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity,
than any thing really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these arguments,
and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show
of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it;—and in this state
were the affairs of Judea at this time.
CHAPTER
10
THE HONORS THAT WERE PAID THE JEWS; AND THE LEAGUES THAT WERE MADE BY THE ROMANS,
AND OTHER NATIONS, WITH THEM
1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa
to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and
by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance
which was between them; and it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account
of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and
of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest
of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us,
and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; for
whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians
and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with,
nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous
nations, while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the
Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant
still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this,
Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared
publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will
I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the
senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.
2. "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high
priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people
of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the
army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables,
which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that
it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. It is
as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have
made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the
son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about
our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war,
as many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our assistance in the
last Alexandrian war,17 with fifteen hundred soldiers;
and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor
to all the rest of that army;—for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son
of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high
priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers,
and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone
of them be reckoned among our particular friends. I also ordain that he and
his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest,
or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter
there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine
the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter
quarters, or that any money should be required of them."
3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul,
containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: that Hyrcanus
and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits
of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that ambassadors be
sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may
discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that
a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol,
and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and
Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and
praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the
ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent everywhere."
4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul,
hath granted, that out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the
man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests
of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to
the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood."
5. "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time,
hath decreed, that the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that
city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases; and that the
Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is
let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute
they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute."
6. "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time,
hath ordained, that all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute
yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the Sabbatical
year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do
they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second
year [of that Sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides
this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid
to their forefathers. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutenant, nor
ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact
money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretence; but that they
be free from all sorts of injuries; and that whatsoever they shall hereafter
have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all.
It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally,
when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them,
as it formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have
as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and
for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five
modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted,
whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also
the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain,
which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews
have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; and
that the same original ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews
with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which
they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and
let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the
senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries,
and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates
of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is
also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent
to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts,
they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire
an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by
the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers
shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the
senate is made about their affairs."
7. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the
fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made
this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander,
the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators18
that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the
high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate
and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them,
it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be
made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by
the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have
shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us."
8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome,
to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The
Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your
ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to
make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship.
Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends
and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own
customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals,
while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius Caesar,
our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters
to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring
in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when
I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together,
according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein.
It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against
these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their
virtue and kind disposition towards us."
9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus
Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate,
and introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired,
and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant
them all they desired. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present
work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The
decree was this:—
10. The decree of the senate, copied out
of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus
Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table
of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple
of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius
Piso, of the Menenian tribe; Servius Papinias Potitus, of the Lemonian tribe;
Caius Caninius Rebilius, of the Terentine tribe; Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus,
the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe; Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the
Lemonian tribe; Publius Platius, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe;
Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe; Lucius Erucius, the
son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe; Marcus Quintus Plancillus, the son of
Marcus, of the Pollian tribe; and Publius Serius. Publius Dolabella and Marcus
Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things
which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews,
and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our
will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our
consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the
city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables.
This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord.
Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the
son of Pausanias; Alexander, the son of Theodorus; Patroclus, the son of Chereas;
and Jonathan, the son of Onias.
11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors
to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the
Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers,
and to permit them to live according to them. And when Dolabella had received
Hyrcanus's letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all
the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis
of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:—
12. "When Artemon was prytanis, on the first
day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates,
and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of Theodorus,
the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into
their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the
Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they
have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers,—I do therefore grant
them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and
permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together
for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting
oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the
several cities under your jurisdiction."
13. And these were the concessions that
Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius
the consul's decree ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are
citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus,
free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under.
This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus
and Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the
son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongius, the son
of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of
Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Caius Servilius, the son of Caius,
of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius
Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son
of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus,
lieutenant and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians,
sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia
from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made
the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius
Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will
is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance."
14. The decree of the Delians. "The answer
of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon.
While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over
the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and
gave order, that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is
to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus,
the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition
they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor." And the
like decree was made by the Sardians about us also.
15. "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator
and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know
that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have
those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined.
My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according
to the senate's decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country."
16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the
consul: "I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear
to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at
Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before
the thirteenth of the calends of October."
17. "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus,
vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellow citizens of Rome
came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according
to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place
of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one
another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for
them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted
to do accordingly."
18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the
son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of
Publius: "We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the
son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, he would
dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites
of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly,
he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October."
19. "In the month Quintilis, when Lucius
Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls; and there were present Titus Appius
Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe; Titus Tongius of
the Crustumine tribe; Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the
son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius,
a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe; Publius Clusius Gallus, the son
of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; Caius Tentius, the son of Caius, a military
tribune, of the Emilian tribe; Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of
the Esquiline tribe; Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe;
Titus Appius Menander, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of
Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe; Aulus
Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menas. In the presence of these
it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed
those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred
rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under."
20. "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to
Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the
ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee,
whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the
high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation,
wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths,
and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that
they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates,
and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians
there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet
didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou
hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We therefore, in obedience
to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which
thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And
as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care
that no complaint be made against us."
21. "Publius Servilius, the son of Publius,
of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of
the Milesians, sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours,
came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that
you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate
their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers,
and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and
that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws
require: I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on
both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use
of their own customs."
22. The decree of those of Pergamus.—"When
Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of
the praetors was this: since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors,
undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to
settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, and since
the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors
to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander,
and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater,
the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their
affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them,
that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews,
the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and
the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored
to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their
own havens; and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods,
either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs,
but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and
friend; and that, according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may
be ejected. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man,
gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according
to the senate's decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors
might return home in safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate
and assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the decree of the
senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus's
virtue and generosity, and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and
particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our
public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy
with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to
the senate's decree. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our
praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors
to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to
preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits
upon us, as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring
them to remember that our ancestors,19 were friendly
to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews,
as we have [also] found it set down in our public records."
23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus.
"When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus,
was priest, on the *** day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people,
upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: since we have ever a
great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow
the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they
have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between
the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals
and assemblies may be observed by them; we have decreed, that as many men and
women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and
perform their holy offices, according to Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae
at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one,
whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing,
he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city."
24. The decree of the Sardians. "This decree
was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors:
whereas those Jews who are fellow citizens, and live with us in this city, have
ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into
the senate, and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law
and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together,
according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit
against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have
their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their
forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people
have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed,
and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for
them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall
esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision
for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for
their eating may be imported into the city."
25. The decree of the Ephesians. "When Menophilus
was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made
by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation
of the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus
Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed
to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs
of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted
their petition. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in
this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from
keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed
to do all things according to their own laws."
26. Now there are many such decrees of the
senate and imperators of the Romans,20 and those different
from these before us, which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our
nation; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of
the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges; and certainly
such as are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all
to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted; for since
we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have
had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns
and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to
this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable;
for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we
have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such a great
number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity
as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have
produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy
we at those times had with the Romans.
CHAPTER
11
HOW MARCUS21 SUCCEEDED SEXTUS WHEN HE HAD BEEN SLAIN
BY BASSUS'S TREACHERY; AND HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF CAESAR, CASSIUS CAME INTO
SYRIA, AND DISTRESSED JUDEA; AS ALSO, HOW MALICHUS SLEW ANTIPATER, AND WAS HIMSELF
SLAIN BY HEROD
1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria
were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus,
one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and
slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into
his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar's generals
came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; to these Antipater also
sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they
had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require
punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him.
And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take
Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in
the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months.
This fact however, is related elsewhere.
2. As the war that arose upon the death
of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way,
and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order
to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and having raised the
siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over
the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon
those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred
talents: but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation
and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons
to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was
ill-disposed to him, and part by others. And because Herod did exact what is
required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with
Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with
the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; whereas the
curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and
Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of
which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay, Cassius
was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,)
had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his
own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.
3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea,
Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would be the
preservation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater,
which when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army,
partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. However, Malichus, being
one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his
defence with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while Phasaelus
had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody,
he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the
distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement
with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that
this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had
almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him.
4. However, Antipater little thought that
by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus
had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and
made him general of the forces of Coelesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships,
and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was
over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between
Antony and the younger Caesar: but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater,
he took him out of the way; and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler
of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This
being done, and he having armed men with him, settled the affairs of the city.
But when Antipater's sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy
against their father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all, and utterly
renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus died Antipater, a man that had
distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas
one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father's death,
and was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his
sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into their hands by
policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the country; so he accepted
of Malichus's defence for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had
had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine
monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great
distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences.
5. However, a little after this, Herod,
upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon
Malichus was affrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into
the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretence of excluding him, alleged,
that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted when the multitude were purifying
themselves. But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to
him, and entered the city in the night time, and affrighted Malichus; yet did
he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and bewailed
him as a friend of his with a loud voice; but Herod and his friends thought
it proper not openly to contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens
of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them.
6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed
him of the murder of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as
to his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his father's death;
and also sent privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to
assist Herod in the execution of a very just design of his. Now when Cassius
had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands
and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there;
but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and designed to make some great
attempt, and because his son was then a hostage at Tyre, he went to that city,
and resolved to steal him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and
as Cassius was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring the country
to revolt, and to procure the government for himself. But Providence opposed
his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his intention
was, he sent thither beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper
ready, for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in reality
to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus,
with their daggers. So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the
seashore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what
had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he
had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was
that slew Malichus; and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius,
he commended the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that
conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted
on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.
7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria,
disturbances arose in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army,
made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms;
but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to
his brother's assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him,
till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in
the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained
of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them,
yet did he support their enemies; for Malichus's brother had made many places
to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest
fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease,
and came and took from Felix all the places he bad gotten; and, upon certain
conditions, dismissed him also.
CHAPTER
12
HEROD EJECTS ANTIGONUS, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS, OUT OF JUDEA, AND GAINS THE
FRIENDSHIP OF ANTONY, WHO WAS NOW COME INTO SYRIA, BY SENDING HIM MUCH MONEY;
ON WHICH ACCOUNT HE WOULD NOT ADMIT OF THOSE THAT WOULD HAVE ACCUSED HEROD:
AND WHAT IT WAS THAT ANTONY WROTE TO THE TYRIANS IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS
1. Now22 Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought
back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an
army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, and this because he was
of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius
to tyrannise over Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized on Syria, and
then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee,
which lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons
into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian
garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he
made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had despatched
these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and
beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its
borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands
about his head; for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of
Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, and for that reason Herod took
the greater care of him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son
of Aristobulus, and the grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became
the father of three male and two female children. He had also married before
this another wife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was Doris,
by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.
2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius
near Philippi, as others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into
Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was arrived at Bithynia,
he had ambassadors that met him from all parts. The principal men also of the
Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus
had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power:
but Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defence
against his accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as
obtain a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still,
when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent
an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that
he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who
had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against
him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been
taken from them. Antony thought the Jews' desires were just, and wrote immediately
to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the
Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same purpose.
3. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus
the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. If you be in health,
it is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias,
and Josephus the son of Menneus, and Alexander the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors,
met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been
upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage,
which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the
good-will thou hast for us. I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and
your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct
of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. But when
those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither
from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed
by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account
of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been
the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards
the gods; for the sake of which we suppose it was that the sun turned away his
light from us,23 as unwilling to view the horrid crime
they were guilty of in the case of Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies,
which threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it is a climate
peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that
confused rout of men, half mad with spite against us, which they got together
at Philippi in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for
their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very
sea, and where the passage was open only through a single gate. This victory
we gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their wicked enterprises.
Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became
a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their
punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that
Asia may be at rest from war. We therefore make that peace which God hath given
us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered
out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore,
bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for
your advantage. I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities,
that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the
spear by Caius Cassius or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And
I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted
you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places
of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted
of the crown which thou sentest me."
4. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the
high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told
me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon
under the government of our adversaries. Since, therefore, we have undertaken
a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable
to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither
any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths,
I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that
what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your
own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; for none of them took
their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them
by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in
their unjust proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment
due to them, we desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that
they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places
which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though
it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against
us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any force against him, in
order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which is his
own; but if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall
be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places concerned,
for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all the causes of our confederates."
5. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of
which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in
Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious
places, that it may be read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate
over the public affairs, made this declaration: since Caius Cassius, in this
revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him,
and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates,
and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman
people, as in war; and since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct
by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that those
things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what hath been sold of
the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or possessions, let them be released;
the bodies into that state of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions
to their former owners. I also will that he who shall not comply with this decree
of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught,
I will take care that the offenders suffer condign punishment."
6. The same thing did Antony write to the
Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Arabians. We have produced these decrees,
therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the
Romans had a great concern about our nation.
CHAPTER
13
HOW ANTONY MADE HEROD AND PHASAELUS TETRARCHS, AFTER THEY HAD BEEN ACCUSED TO
NO PURPOSE; AND HOW THE PARTHIANS, WHEN THEY BROUGHT ANTIGONUS INTO JUDEA, TOOK
HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS CAPTIVES. HEROD'S FLIGHT; AND WHAT AFFLICTIONS HYRCANUS
AND PHASAELUS ENDURED
1. When after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia,
and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came now also a hundred
of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and set
the men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak. But Messala contradicted
them, on behalf of the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus,
who was Herod's father-in-law24 already. When Antony
had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed
the nation best? He replied, Herod and his friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason
of the old hospitable friendship he had made with his father [Antipater], at
that time when he was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs,
and committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that
purpose. He also bound fifteen of their adversaries, and was going to kill them,
but that Herod obtained their pardon.
2. Yet did not these men continue quiet
when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him
there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by
the money which Herod and his brother had given him; and so he gave order to
the governor of the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for making
innovations, and to settle the government upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily
to them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore before the
city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because great mischief would befall
them if they went on with their accusation. But they did not acquiesce; whereupon
the Romans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more
of them, and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in great consternation.
And when the people made a clamor against Herod, Antony was so provoked at it,
that he slew the prisoners.
3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the
king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed
themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias
his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus,
the son of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander,
who had great interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians
a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they would take the
government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill Herod.
And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the Parthians
make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them.
Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander Barzapharnes through
the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but the Sidonians, and those
of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea,
to take a view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and sent
also the king's butler, of the same name with himself. So when the Jews that
dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were ready to march with him
into Judea, Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country by their assistance.
The place is called Drymi; and when some others came and met them, the men privately
fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more were come to them, they got together
in great numbers, and came against the king's palace, and besieged it. But as
Phasaelus's and Herod's party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened
between them in the market-place, the young men beat their enemies, and pursued
them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining houses to keep
them in, who yet being destitute of such as should support them, were burnt,
and the houses with them, by the people who rose up against them. But Herod
was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little afterward for this
injury they had offered him, when he fought with them, and slew a great number
of them.
4. But while there were daily skirmishes,
the enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out of the country to Pentecost,
a feast of ours so called; and when that day was come, many ten thousands of
the people were gathered together about the temple, some in armor, and some
without. Now those that came guarded both the temple and the city, excepting
what belonged to the palace, which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers;
and Phasaelus had the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men,
sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously,
and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into
the temple, and some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications
there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus,
the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into the
city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would still
the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government.
And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to
go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraudulently. Accordingly,
Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, complied with his proposal, while Herod did not
give his consent to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of these barbarians,
but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into the city.
5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on
the embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen, and ten men,
who were called the freemen, and conducted the others on their journey; and
when they were in Galilee, the governors of the cities there met them in their
arms. Barzapharnes also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and made
them presents, though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with
his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard that Antigonus
had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women,
to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. Moreover,
there was one who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while
a guard came about them secretly; and they had then been seized upon, had not
they waited for the seizure of Herod by the Parthians that were about Jerusalem,
lest, upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation
of it, and escape out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they
were now in; and they saw who they were that guarded them. Some persons indeed
would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and not
stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was earnest
with him to do so; for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest
of all the Syrians at that time, who also promised to provide him ships to carry
him off; for the sea was just by them. But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus,
nor bring his brother into danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him
he did not act justly when he made such a contrivance against them; for that
if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that
it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to him upon the security of
their oaths, and that when they had done them no injury. But the barbarian swore
to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled
with nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.
6. But as soon as he was gone away, some
men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly reproached
the Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler who was sent against Herod
had it in command to get him without the walls of the city, and seize upon him;
but messengers had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness
of the Parthians. And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went
to Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord of the rest,
who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled with him in a deceitful
way; and said that he ought to go out with them before the wal