CHAPTER 1
HOW ANTIPATER WAS HATED BY ALL THE NATION [OF THE JEWS] FOR THE SLAUGHTER OF
HIS BRETHREN; AND HOW, FOR THAT REASON, HE GOT INTO PECULIAR FAVOR WITH HIS
FRIENDS AT ROME, BY GIVING THEM MANY PRESENTS; AS HE DID ALSO WITH SATURNINUS,
THE PRESIDENT OF SYRIA, AND THE GOVERNORS WHO WERE UNDER HIM; AND CONCERNING
HEROD'S WIVES AND CHILDREN
1. When Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his
father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with furies for
what he had done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind, as to the rest of his
life; for although he was delivered from the fear of his brethren being his
rivals as to the government, yet did he find it a very hard thing, and almost
impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred of the nation against
him on that account was become very great; and besides this very disagreeable
circumstance, the affair of the soldiery grieved him still more, who were alienated
from him, from which yet these kings derived all the safety which they had,
whenever they found the nation desirous of innovation: and all this danger was
drawn upon him by his destruction of his brethren. However, he governed the
nation jointly with his father, being indeed no other than a king already; and
he was for that very reason trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for the
which he ought himself to have been put to death, as appearing to have betrayed
his brethren out of his concern for the preservation of Herod, and not rather
out of his ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this
was the accursed state he was in. Now all Antipater's contrivances tended to
make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him in the
vile practices he was devising: and that Herod might have no refuge, nor any
to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater for their
open enemy; insomuch that the very plots he had laid against his brethren were
occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at this time he was more than
ever set upon the execution of his attempts against Herod, because if he were
once dead, the government would now be firmly secured to him; but if he were
suffered to live any longer, he should be in danger, upon a discovery of that
wickedness of which he had been the contriver, and his father would of necessity
then become his enemy. And on this account it was that he became very bountiful
to his father's friends, and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order
to surprise men with his good deeds, and take off their hatred against him.
And he sent great presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to gain their
good-will; and above all to Saturninus, the president of Syria. He also hoped
to gain the favor of Saturninus's brother with the large presents he bestowed
on him; as also he used the same art to [Salome] the king's sister, who had
married one of Herod's chief friends. And when he counterfeited friendship to
those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief, and
very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he really did hate. But he
could not impose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long time, and was a
woman not easily to be deluded, especially while she had already used all possible
caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although Antipater's uncle by
the mother's side was married to her daughter, and this by his own connivance
and management, while she had before been married to Aristobulus, and while
Salome's other daughter by that husband was married to the son of Calleas; yet
that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he was, in her discovering
his designs, as her former kindred to him could not prevent her hatred of him.
Now Herod had compelled Salome, while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian,
and had taken a fondness for him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her submitted
to at the instance of Julia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest she
should herself be their open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he would never
be friends with Salome, if she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so
she submitted to Julia as being Caesar's wife; and besides that, she advised
her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage. At this time also
it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, who had been Alexander's
wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her out of his own estate,
that there might be no dispute between them about it.
2. Now Herod brought up his sons' children
with great care; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had
three sons by Bernice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters; and as his friends
were once with him, he presented the children before them; and deploring the
hard fortune of his own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would befall
these who were their children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain
what they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of their education.
He also caused them to be betrothed against they should come to the proper age
of marriage; the elder of Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter, and Antipater's
daughter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted one of Aristobulus's
daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other daughter to Herod, a son
of his own, who was born to him by the high priest's daughter; for it is the
ancient practice among us to have many wives at the same time. Now the king
made these espousals for the children, out of commiseration of them now they
were fatherless, as endeavoring to render Antipater kind to them by these intermarriages.
But Antipater did not fail to bear the same temper of mind to his brothers'
children which he had borne to his brothers themselves; and his father's concern
about them provoked his indignation against them upon this supposal, that they
would become greater than ever his brothers had been; while Archelaus, a king,
would support his daughter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of
one of the daughters as a wife to his son. What provoked him also was this,
that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children, and so
hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would come out, since they were
no strangers to his vile disposition towards his brethren. He contrived, therefore,
to overturn his father's settlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that they
should be so related to him, and be so powerful withal. So Herod yielded to
him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty; and the determination now was,
that Antipater himself should marry Aristobulus's daughter, and Antipater's
son should marry Pheroras's daughter. So the espousals for the marriages were
changed after this manner, even without the king's real approbation.
3. Now Herod1
the king had at this time nine wives; one of them Antipater's mother, and another
the high priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name. He had also
one who was his brother's daughter, and another his sister's daughter; which
two had no children. One of his wives also was of the Samaritan nation, whose
sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olympias; which daughter
was afterward married to Joseph, the king's brother's son; but Archelaus and
Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at Rome. Herod had also to
wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had his sons Herod and Philip; which
last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas also was one of his wives, which bare
him his son Phasaelus. And besides these, he had for his wives Phedra and Elpis,
by whom he had his daughters Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughters by
the same mother with Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras neglected
to marry, he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's son,
and the other to Phasaelus, his brother's son. And this was the posterity of
Herod.
CHAPTER
2
CONCERNING ZAMARIS, THE BABYLONIAN JEW; CONCERNING THE PLOTS LAID BY ANTIPATER
AGAINST HIS FATHER; AND SOMEWHAT ABOUT THE PHARISEES
1. And now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself on the
side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as large as a city for
the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his own country difficult
to be assaulted, and whence he might be at hand to make sallies upon them, and
do them a mischief. Accordingly, when he understood that there was a man that
was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred horsemen, all of whom could
shoot their arrows as they rode on horse-back, and, with a hundred of his relations,
had passed over Euphrates, and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where
Saturninus, who was then president, had given them a place for habitation, called
Valatha, he sent for this man, with the multitude that followed him, and promised
to give him land in the toparchy called Batanea, which country is bounded with
Trachonitis, as desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. He
also engaged to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that they should
dwell entirely without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him
tax-free.
2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers
to come hither; so he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses
and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to
the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out
of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite
robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient
Jewish laws were observed, and the country became full of people, by reason
of their universal freedom from taxes. This continued during the life of Herod;
but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took the government, he made
them pay some small taxes, and that for a little while only; and Agrippa the
Great, and his son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet
would they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now
taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege
of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes. Of
which matter I shall treat more accurately in the progress of this history.2
3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to
whom Herod had given that country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously,
and left children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who
was famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses;
and a troop of them were guards to the forementioned kings. And when Jacim was
dead in his old age, he left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength
in his hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than any
of his contemporaries; on which account there was a confidence and firm friendship
between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which he maintained as great
as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever lie had occasion to
march.
4. When the affairs of Herod were in the
condition I have described, all the public affairs depended upon Antipater;
and his power was such, that he could do good turns to as many as he pleased,
and this by his father's concession, in hopes of his good-will and fidelity
to him; and this till he ventured to use his power still further, because his
wicked designs were concealed from his father, and he made him believe every
thing he said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of the
power and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts beforehand;
but he who principally cultivated a friendship with him was Pheroras, who received
the like marks of his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly encompassed
him about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about him; for Pheroras
was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her mother, and to her sister; and
this notwithstanding the hatred he bare them for the indignities they had offered
to his virgin daughters. Yet did he bear them; and nothing was to he done without
the women, who had got this man into their circle, and continued still to assist
each other in all things, insomuch that Antipater was entirely addicted to them,
both by himself and by his mother; for these four women3
said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater
were different in some points of no consequence. But the king's sister [Salome]
was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all their affairs,
and was apprised that this their friendship was made in order to do Herod some
mischief, and was disposed to inform the king of it. And since these people
knew that their friendship was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending to do
him a mischief, they contrived that their meetings should not be discovered;
so they pretended to hate one another, and to abuse one another when time served,
and especially when Herod was present, or when any one was there that would
tell him: but still their intimacy was firmer than ever, when they were private.
And this was the course they took. But they could not conceal from Salome neither
their first contrivance, when they set about these their intentions, nor when
they had made some progress in them; but she searched out every thing; and,
aggravating the relations to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret
assemblies and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine manner,
which if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well enough have
been open and public. But to appearance they are at variance, and speak about
one another as if they intended one another a mischief, but agree so well together
when they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they are alone by
themselves, they act in concert, and profess that they will never leave off
their friendship, but will fight against those from whom they conceal their
designs. And thus did she search out these things, and get a perfect knowledge
of them, and then told her brother of them, who understood also of himself a
great deal of what she said, but still durst not depend upon it, because of
the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies. For there was a certain sect
of men that were Jews, who valued themselves highly upon the exact skill they
had in the law of their fathers, and made men believe they were highly favored
by God, by whom this set of women were inveigled. These are those that are called
the sect of the Pharisees, who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings.
A cunning sect they were, and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and
doing mischief. Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance
of their good-will to Caesar, and to the king's government, these very men did
not swear, being above six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them,
Pheroras's wife paid their fine for them. In order to requite which kindness
of hers, since they were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come
by Divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's government
should cease, and his posterity should be deprived of it; but that the kingdom
should come to her and Pheroras, and to their children. These predictions were
not concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they had perverted
some persons about the palace itself; so the king slew such of the Pharisees
as were principally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and one Carus, who exceeded
all men of that time in comeliness, and one that was his catamite. He slew also
all those of his own family who had consented to what the Pharisees foretold;
and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by them, as though he should be named
the father and the benefactor of him who, by the prediction, was foretold to
be their appointed king; for that this king would have all things in his power,
and would enable Bagoas to marry, and to have children of his own body begotten.
CHAPTER
3
CONCERNING THE ENMITY BETWEEN HEROD AND PHERORAS; HOW HEROD SENT ANTIPATER TO
CAESAR; AND OF THE DEATH OF PHERORAS
1. When Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of the
foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends, and accused
Pheroras's wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the impudence of
that woman, brought an accusation against her for the dishonor she had brought
upon them: that she had studiously introduced a quarrel between him and his
brother, and, by her ill temper, had brought them into a state of war, both
by her words and actions; that the fines which he had laid had not been paid,
and the offenders had escaped punishment by her means; and that nothing which
had of late been done had been done without her; "for which reason Pheroras
would do well, if he would of his own accord, and by his own command, and not
at my entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that
will still be the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if
thou valuest thy relation to me, put this wife of thine away; for by this means
thou wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me."
Then said Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,) that
as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly relation to
him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife; that he would rather
choose to die than to live, and be deprived of a wife that was so dear unto
him. Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras on these accounts, although
he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy punishment. However, he forbade Antipater
and his mother to have any conversation with Pheroras, and bid them to take
care to avoid the assemblies of the women; which they promised to do, but still
got together when occasion served, and both Pheroras and Antipater had their
own merry meetings. The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation
with Pheroras's wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater's mother.
2. But Antipater had now a suspicion of
his father, and was afraid that the effects of his hatred to him might increase;
so he wrote to his friends at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod, that he would
immediately send Antipater to Caesar; which when it was done, Herod sent Antipater
thither, and sent most noble presents along with him; as also his testament,
wherein Antipater was appointed to be his successor; and that if Antipater should
die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high priest's daughter should succeed.
And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome Sylleus the Arabian, although
he had done nothing of all that Caesar had enjoined him. Antipater also accused
him of the same crimes of which he had been formerly accused by Herod. Sylleus
was also accused by Aretas, that without his consent he had slain many of the
chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly Soemus, a man that deserved
to be honored by all men; and that he had slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar.
These were the things of which Sylleus was accused, and that on the occasion
following: there was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of the guards of the
king's body, and one who was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had persuaded this
man with the offer of a great sum of money to kill Herod; and he had promised
to do it. When Fabatus had been made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself
told him of it, he informed the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him
to the torture, and thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught
two other Arabians, who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of a
tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who both were by the king brought
to the torture, and confessed that they were come to encourage Corinthus not
to fail of doing what he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their
own hands in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So Saturninus,
upon Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent them to Rome.
3. At this time Herod commanded Pheroras,
that since he was so obstinate in his affection for his wife, he should retire
into his own tetrarchy; which he did very willingly, and sware many oaths that
he would not come again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when,
upon a sickness of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that
he might intrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his
oath, that he would not come to him; yet did not Herod so retain his hatred
to Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him], which he before had,
and that for such great causes as have been already mentioned: but as soon as
he began to be ill, he came to him, and this without being sent for; and when
he was dead, he took care of his funeral, and had his body brought to Jerusalem,
and buried there, and appointed a solemn mourning for him. This [death of Pheroras]
became the origin of Antipater's misfortunes, although he were already sailed
for Rome, God now being about to punish him for the murder of his brethren,
I will explain the history of this matter very distinctly, that it may be for
a warning to mankind, that they take care of conducting their whole lives by
the rules of virtue.
CHAPTER
4
PHERORAS'S WIFE IS ACCUSED BY HIS FREEDMEN AS GUILTY OF POISONING HIM; AND HOW
HEROD, UPON EXAMINING OF THE MATTER BY TORTURE, FOUND THE POISON; BUT SO THAT
IT HAD BEEN PREPARED FOR HIMSELF BY HIS SON ANTIPATER; AND UPON AN INQUIRY BY
TORTURE, HE DISCOVERED THE DANGEROUS DESIGNS OF ANTIPATER
1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of Pheroras's
freedmen, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and entreated him not
to leave the murder of his brother without avenging it, but to examine into
such an unreasonable and unhappy death. When he was moved with these words,
for they seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras supped with his wife
the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion was brought him in such
a sort of food as he was not used to eat; but that when he had eaten, he died
of it: that this potion was brought out of Arabia by a woman, under pretence
indeed as a love potion, for that was its name, but in reality to kill Pheroras;
for that the Arabian women are skilful in making such poisons: and the woman
to whom they ascribe this was confessedly a most intimate friend of one of Sylleus's
mistresses; and that both the mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been
at the places where she lived, and had persuaded her to sell them this potion,
and had come back and brought it with them the day before that his supper. Hereupon
the king was provoked, and put the women slaves to the torture, and some that
were free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them
would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said no more
but this, that she prayed that God would send the like agonies upon Antipater's
mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to all of them. This prayer
induced Herod to increase the women's tortures, till thereby all was discovered;
their merry meetings, their secret assemblies, and the disclosing of what he
had said to his son alone unto Pheroras's4 women.
(Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of a hundred
talents to him not to have any conversation with Pheroras.) And what hatred
he bore to his father; and that he complained to his mother how very long his
father lived; and that he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that if the
kingdom should come to him, it would not afford him any great pleasure; and
that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers' children, bringing
up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself, all which made
his own hopes of it uncertain; for that even now, if he should himself not live,
Herod had ordained that the government should be conferred, not on his son,
but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of great barbarity, and
of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out of the fear he was under,
lest he should do the like to him, that made him contrive this his journey to
Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his own tetrarchy.5
2. These confessions agreed with what his
sister had told him, and tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to
free her from the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having
satisfied himself of the spite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as well as himself,
bore to him, took away from her all her fine ornaments, which were worth many
talents, and then sent her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras's
women. But he who most of all irritated the king against his son was one Antipater,
the procurator of Antipater the king's son, who, when he was tortured, among
other things, said that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and given it
to Pheroras, with his desire that he would give it to his father during his
absence, and when he was too remote to have the least suspicion cast upon him
thereto relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's friends, brought that
potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Theudion, the brother
of the mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by that means came to Pheroras's
wife, her husband having given it her to keep. And when the king asked her about
it, she confessed it; and as she was running to fetch it, she threw herself
down from the house-top; yet did she not kill herself, because she fell upon
her feet; by which means, when the king had comforted her, and had promised
her and her domestics pardon, upon condition of their concealing nothing of
the truth from him, but had threatened her with the utmost miseries if she proved
ungrateful [and concealed any thing]: so she promised, and swore that she would
speak out every thing, and tell after what manner every thing was done; and
said what many took to be entirely true, that the potion was brought out of
Egypt by Antiphilus; and that his brother, who was a physician, had procured
it; and that "when Theudion brought it us, she kept it upon Pheroras's committing
it to her; and that it was prepared by Antipater for thee. When, therefore,
Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou camest to him and tookest care of him, and
when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne thereby.
So he called me to him, and said to me, 'O woman! Antipater hath circumvented
me in this affair of his father and my brother, by persuading me to have a murderous
intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient thereto; do thou,
therefore, go and fetch my potion, (since my brother appears to have still the
same virtuous disposition towards me which he had formerly, and I do not expect
to live long myself, and that I may not defile my forefathers by the murder
of a brother,) and burn it before my face:' that accordingly she immediately
brought it, and did as her husband bade her; and that she burnt the greatest
part of the potion; but that a little of it was left, that if the king, after
Pheroras's death, should treat her ill, she might poison herself, and thereby
get clear of her miseries." Upon her saying thus, she brought out the potion,
and the box in which it was, before them all. Nay, there was another brother
of Antiphilus, and his mother also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture,
confessed the same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought
out of Egypt]. The high priest's daughter also, who was the king's wife, was
accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it;
for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament,
wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took
the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus,
and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to
be high priest in his room.
3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also,
Antipater's freed-man, came from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have
brought another potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother, and
of Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at
least might carry him off. There came also letters from Herod's friends at Rome,
by the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and
Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter of Alexander
and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their deaths, and as if, because
they were sent for home, (for their father had already recalled them,) they
concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed. These letters had been
procured by great rewards by Antipater's friends; but Antipater himself wrote
to his father about them, and laid the heaviest things to their charge; yet
did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and said they were but young men,
and so imputed their words to their youth. But he said that he had himself been
very busy in the affair relating to Sylleus, and in getting interest among the
great men; and on that account had bought splendid ornaments to present them
withal, which cost him two hundred talents. Now one may wonder how it came about,
that while so many accusations were laid against him in Judea during seven months
before this time, he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of
which were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater;
for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages.
CHAPTER
5
ANTIPATER'S NAVIGATION FROM ROME TO HIS FATHER; AND HOW HE WAS ACCUSED BY NICOLAUS
OF DAMASCUS, AND CONDEMNED TO DIE BY HIS FATHER, AND BY QUINTILIUS VARUS, WHO
WAS THEN PRESIDENT OF SYRIA; AND HOW HE WAS THEN BOUND TILL CAESAR SHOULD BE
INFORMED OF HIS CAUSE
1. Now Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done all that
he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly come
to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and bid him
not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his absence. At
the same time also he made some little complaint about his mother, but promised
that he would lay those complaints aside when he should return. He withal expressed
his entire affection for him, as fearing lest he should have some suspicion
of him, and defer his journey to him; and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should
lay plots for the kingdom, and, moreover, do somewhat against himself. This
letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras's
death before at Tarentum. This last news affected him deeply; not out of any
affection for Pheroras, but because he was dead without having murdered his
father, which he had promised him to do. And when he was at Celendris in Cilicia,
he began to deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much grieved
with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends advised him that he
should tarry a while somewhere, in expectation of further information. But others
advised him to sail home without delay; for that if he were once come thither,
he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that nothing afforded any weight
to his accusers at present but his absence. He was persuaded by these last,
and sailed on, and landed at the haven called Sebastus, which Herod had built
at vast expenses in honor of Caesar, and called Sebastus. And now was Antipater
evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to him nor saluted him,
as they did at his going away, with good wishes of joyful acclamations; nor
was there now any thing to hinder them from entertaining him, on the contrary,
with bitter curses, while they supposed he was come to receive his punishment
for the murder of his brethren.
2. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time
at Jerusalem, being sent to succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was
come as an assessor to Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs;
and as they were sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing
any thing of the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The porters
indeed received him in, but excluded his friends. And now he was in great disorder,
and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going to salute
his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer of his brethren,
and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told him that Varus should
be his auditor and his judge the very next day; so he found that what misfortunes
he now heard of were already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away
in confusion; upon which his mother and his wife met him, (which wife was the
daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he
learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared himself for
his trial.
3. On the next day Varus and the king sat
together in judgment, and both their friends were also called in, as also the
king's relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any
thing, and such as had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater's
mother, who were taken up a little before Antipater's coming, and brought with
them a written letter, the sum of which was this: that he should not come back,
because all was come to his father's knowledge; and that Caesar was the only
refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his father's hands.
Then did Antipater fall down at his father's feet, and besought him not to prejudge
his cause, but that he might be first heard by his father, and that his father
would keep himself unprejudiced. So Herod ordered him to be brought into the
midst, and then lamented himself about his children, from whom he had suffered
such great misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon him in his old age.
He also reckoned up what maintenance and what education he had given them; and
what seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them, according to their
own desires; none of which favors had hindered them from contriving against
him, and from bringing his very life into danger, in order to gain his kingdom,
after an impious manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature,
their father's wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to
them; and that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass
as to be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in
writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was alive,
he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious dignity, or
in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents for his yearly
income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer than thirty talents.
He also objected to him the case of his brethren whom he had accused; and if
they were guilty, he had imitated their example; and if not, he had brought
him groundless accusations against his near relations; for that he had been
acquainted with all those things by him, and by nobody else, and had done what
was done by his approbation, and whom he now absolved from all that was criminal,
by becoming the inheritor of the guilt of such their parricide.
4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a
weeping, and was not able to say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus,
being the king's friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with
whatsoever he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what
remained, and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evidences
of the facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defence, turned
himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given of
his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors that had been done him, which
yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous concern about
him; for that he had made provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen
beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice; and whenever there was occasion
for the labor of his own hands, he had not grudged any such pains for him. And
that it was almost impossible that he, who had delivered his father from so
many treacherous contrivances laid against him, should be himself in a plot
against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by
his wickedness which succeeded it; and this while he had nothing to prohibit
him, who was already appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honor with
his father also at present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who
had the one half of that authority without any danger, and with a good character,
should hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was doubtful
whether he could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren
before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a time
when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay, was the author of the
punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared evidently that they were guilty
of a wicked attempt against their father; and that even the contentions there
were in the king's family were indications that he had ever managed affairs
out of the sincerest affection to his father. And as to what he had done at
Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto, who yet was no more to be imposed upon than
God himself; of whose opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence;
and that it was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to
raise disturbances before those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies
had been raised during his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge
them, which they had not been able to do if he had been there. Moreover he showed
the weakness of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false,
because the distress men are in under such tortures naturally obliges them to
say many things in order to please those that govern them. He also offered himself
to the torture.
5. Hereupon there was a change observed
in the assembly, while they greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting
on a countenance suitable to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch
that his very enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that
Herod himself was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should
be taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had begun,
and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence which arose from
the tortures, or from the testimonies. He principally and largely cried up the
king's virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance and education of his
sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one
misfortune to another. Although he owned that he was not so much surprised with
that thoughtless behavior of his former sons, who were but young, and were besides
corrupted by wicked counselors, who were the occasion of their wiping out of
their minds the righteous dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming
to the government sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could not but justly
stand amazed at the horrid wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had not
only had great benefits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason,
yet could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even those
creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors, while
Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hindrance to him,
but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding. "Yet wast thou,
O Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the informer as to what wicked
actions they had done, and the searcher out of the evidence against them, and
the author of the punishment they underwent upon their detection. Nor do we
say this as accusing thee for being so zealous in thy anger against them, but
are astonished at thy endeavors to imitate their profligate behavior; and we
discover thereby that thou didst not act thus for the safety of thy father,
but for the destruction of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their
impiety thou mightest be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby
get thee power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design
thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because
thou didst convict theft of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield up
to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it evident
to all men that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father, when thou
chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain to thyself alone
this advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to enjoy double pleasure,
which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition, which thou has openly showed
against thy brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done a
most famous exploit, nor was that behavior unworthy of thee. But if thy intention
were otherwise, thou art worse than they: while thou didst contrive to hide
thy treachery against thy father, thou didst hate them, not as plotters against
thy father, for in that case thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime,
but as successors of his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than
thyself. Thou wouldst kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised
against them might be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment
thou hadst deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy
father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never
yet saw. For thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against
thy father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor, had
made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly declared thee
his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority
already, and hadst the firm hope of what was future by thy father's determination,
and the security of a written testament; but, for certain, thou didst not measure
these things according to thy father's various disposition, but according to
thy own thoughts and inclinations; and was desirous to take the part that remained
away from thy too indulgent father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds,
whom thou in words pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked
thyself, but thou filledst thy mother's head with thy devices, and raised disturbances
among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast;
while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou sentest
out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors, and invitedst
them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides,
by the artifices of both men and women, against an old man, as though that mind
of thine was not sufficient of itself to support so great a hatred as thou baredst
to him. And here thou appearest, after the tortures of free-men, of domestics,
of men and women, which have been examined on thy account, and after the informations
of thy fellow conspirators, as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast
thought on ways not only how to take thy father out of the world, but to disannul
that written law which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature
of justice; nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that
thou desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the
tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that those
that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to have spoken
the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers of truth. Wilt
not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of his kindred? Wilt not
thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kindness to his father,
in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he is himself alone ready to carry
off the kingdom immediately, and appears to be the most bloody butcher to him
of them all? for thou art sensible that parricide is a general injury both to
nature and to common life, and that the intention of parricide is not inferior
to its perpetration; and he who does not punish it is injurious to nature itself."
6. Nicolaus added further what belonged
to Antipater's mother, and whatsoever she had prattled like a woman; as also
about the predictions and the sacrifices relating to the king; and whatsoever
Antipater had done lasciviously in his cups and his amours among Pheroras's
women; the examination upon torture; and whatsoever concerned the testimonies
of the witnesses, which were many, and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand,
and others were sudden answers, which further declared and confirmed the foregoing
evidence. For those men who were not acquainted with Antipater's practices,
but had concealed them out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the
accusations of the former witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which
had supported him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of
his enemies, who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew
of him. And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that
were his accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances, and
by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled their house
with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was neither fair
in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so far as served his own
turn. Now there were a great number who for a long time beforehand had seen
all this, and especially such as were naturally disposed to judge of matters
by the rules of virtue, because they were used to determine about affairs without
passion, but had been restrained from making any open complaints before; these,
upon the leave now given them, produced all that they knew before the public.
The demonstrations also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because
the many witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were
they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any danger
they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they thought such actions
very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment; and indeed
not so much for Herod's safety, as on account of the man's own wickedness. Many
things were also said, and those by a great number of persons, who were no way
obliged to say them, insomuch that Antipater, who used generally to be very
shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary.
When Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had produced the evidence, Varus bid
Antipater to betake himself to the making his defence, if he had prepared any
thing whereby it might appear that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused
of; for that, as he was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was
in like manner desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent. But Antipater
fell down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of
his innocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals, that
he had not laid any plot against his father. This being the usual method of
all men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked undertakings,
they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as if they believed that
God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when once they are found out, and
are in danger of undergoing the punishment due to their crimes, they endeavor
to overthrow all the evidence against them by appealing to God; which was the
very thing which Antipater now did; for whereas he had done everything as if
there were no God in the world, when he was on all sides distressed by justice,
and when he had no other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which
he might disprove the accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the
majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved hitherto;
and produced before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his
bold acting for his father's preservation.
7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater
what he had to say for himself, found that he had nothing to say besides his
appeal to God, and saw that there was no end of that, he bid them bring the
potion before the court, that he might see what virtue still remained in it;
and when it was brought, and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus's
command, he died presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court,
and went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because
that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod laid his son in bonds.
But what were Varus's discourses to Herod was not known to the generality, and
upon what words it was that he went away; though it was also generally supposed
that whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with his approbation.
But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome to Caesar about him,
and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth, inform Caesar of Antipater's
wickedness. Now at this very time there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written
to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there); and when it was opened by the
king, it was found to contain what follows: "I have sent thee Acme's letter,
and hazarded my own life; for thou knowest that I am in danger from two families,
if I be discovered. I wish thee good success in thy affair." These were the
contents of this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also,
for it did not appear; and Antiphilus's slave, who brought that letter which
had been read, denied that he had received the other. But while the king was
in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the inner coat
of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,) he guessed
that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly proved to be
true. So they took out the letter, and its contents were these: "Acme to Antipater.
I have written such a letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also
taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which,
when thou readest, I know that Herod will punish Salome, as plotting against
him." Now this pretended letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater,
in the name of Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter
was this: "Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is
done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a letter
of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written out a copy, and sent
it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for thy advantage. The reason why she
wrote it was this, that she had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore
tear this letter in pieces, that I may not come into danger of my life." Now
Acme had written to Antipater himself, and informed him, that, in compliance
with his command, she had both herself written to Herod, as if Salome had laid
a sudden plot entirely against him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle,
as coming from Salome to her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant
to Julia, Caesar's wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as
having been corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his
pernicious designs against his father and his aunt.
8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious
wickedness of Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain immediately,
as a turbulent person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid
a plot not only against himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted
Caesar's own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her breast,
and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credible testimony that she
had acted in that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and asked him about this
matter, and bid him contradict if he could, and not suppress any thing he had
to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him, since
he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would make no further delay,
but discover his associates in these his wicked designs. So he laid all upon
Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief,
that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account
of these his wicked contrivances. But he soon became afraid, lest he might there,
by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in; so he kept him
bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his
son, and an account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs,
with copies of the epistles before mentioned.
CHAPTER
6
CONCERNING THE DISEASE THAT HEROD FELL INTO, AND THE SEDITION WHICH THE JEWS
RAISED THEREUPON; WITH THE PUNISHMENT OF THE SEDITIOUS
1. Now Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed
beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them. They
also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper, and
made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and
this out of that hatred to Archelaus and Philip, which the calumnies of Antipater
had raised against them. He also bequeathed a thousand talents to Caesar, and
five hundred to Julia, Caesar's wife, to Caesar's children, and friends and
freed-men. He also distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his
revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister very rich, because she
had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so rash
as to do him any harm; and as he despaired of recovering, for he was about the
seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged the bitterest anger
upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought himself despised,
and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides which, he resented
a sedition which some of the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion
of which was as follows.
2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus,
and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the
Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well
beloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those
that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men,
when they found that the king's distemper was incurable, excited the young men
that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary
to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will
confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of
Herod's rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other
misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and
with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for Herod had caused such things
to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas
and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large
golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law
forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images,6
or representations of any living creature. So these wise men persuaded [their
scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should
incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the
action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than
the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation
of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire an everlasting fame
and commendation; since they would be both commended by the present generation,
and leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity; since
that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape
any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those who are in love
with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may
carry them out of the world with praise and honor; and that this will alleviate
death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions,
which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation
behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men
or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.
3. And with such discourses as this did
these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them
that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men's persuasions;
so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down
the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people
were in the temple. And now the king's captain, upon hearing what the undertaking
was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came
up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient
to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to
God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt,
in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual
with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what
was for their advantage; so he caught no fewer than forty of the young men,
who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with the
authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it an ignominious
thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king. And when they were
come to the king, and he asked them if they had been so bold as to pull down
what he had dedicated to God, "Yes, (said they,) what was contrived we contrived,
and what hath been performed we performed it, and that with such a virtuous
courage as becomes men; for we have given our assistance to those things which
were dedicated to the majesty of God, and we have provided for what we have
learned by hearing the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem
those laws which Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and
which he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands.
Accordingly we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst
inflict upon us, with pleasure, since we are conscious to ourselves that we
shall die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion." And
thus they all said, and their courage was still equal to their profession, and
equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And when the
king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and called together
the principal men among the Jews; and when they were come, he made them assemble
in the theatre, and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch,
and enumerated the many labors that he had long endured on their account, and
his building of the temple, and what a vast charge that was to him; while the
Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had
not been able to perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was;
that he had also adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he
hoped that he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation
after his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting
him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight of
the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon what he had
dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it down to the ground. They pretended,
indeed, that they did it to affront him; but if any one consider the thing truly,
they will find that they were guilty of sacrilege against God therein.
4. But the people, on account of Herod's
barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment
on them, said what was done was done without their approbation, and that it
seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done.
But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he
deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action,
and made Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother, high priest in his stead.
Now it happened, that during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias,
there was another person made high priest for a single day, that very day which
the Jews observed as a fast. The occasion was this: this Matthias the high priest,
on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in
a dream,7 to have conversation with his wife; and
because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus,
his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office. But Herod deprived this Matthias
of the high priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition,
with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse of the
moon.8
5. But now Herod's distemper greatly increased
upon him after a severe manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his
sins; for a fire glowed in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch
outwardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly; for it brought upon him a vehement
appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food
or other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his
pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled itself
about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of his belly.
Nay, further, his privy-member was putrified, and produced worms; and when he
sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on
account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had
also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased his strength to an
insufferable degree. It was said by those who pretended to divine, and who were
endued with wisdom to foretell such things, that God inflicted this punishment
on the king on account of his great impiety; yet was he still in hopes of recovering,
though his afflictions seemed greater than any one could bear. He also sent
for physicians, and did not refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance,
and went beyond the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that
were at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit
to drink; which water runs into the lake called Asphaltitis. And when the physicians
once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed
that he was just dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his domestics, he revived;
and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave order that every
soldier should be paid fifty drachmae; and he also gave a great deal to their
commanders, and to his friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so
choleric, that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he
were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs. He commanded
that all the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived,
should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because
the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the
penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them.
And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as
those that had afforded ground for accusations; and when they were come, he
ordered them to be all shut up in the hippodrome,9
and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them:
"I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to be
cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles
me is this, that I shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning
as men usually expect at a king's death. For that he was not unacquainted with
the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and
exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they were ready
to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had dedicated to God that
it therefore was their business to resolve to afford him some alleviation of
his great sorrows on this occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their
consent in what he desires, he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and
such as never had any king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn
from their very soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only.
He desired therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they
shall place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is
dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this is
done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody shot
with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that he shall
not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying, they will make
him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges them to do; and
that he shall have the honor of a memorable mourning at his funeral. So he deplored
his condition, with tears in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due
from them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and begged
of them that they would not hinder him of this honorable mourning at his funeral.
So they promised him not to transgress his commands.
6. Now any one may easily discover the temper
of this man's mind, which not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly
against his relations, out of the love of life, but by those commands of his
which savored of no humanity; since he took care, when he was departing out
of this life, that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed
made desolate of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every
family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that
was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is usual
for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred at such a
time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies.
CHAPTER
7
HEROD HAS THOUGHTS OF KILLING HIMSELF WITH HIS OWN HAND; AND A LITTLE AFTERWARDS
HE ORDERS ANTIPATER TO BE SLAIN
1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters
from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when they
were read, their purport was this: that Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his
indignation at what hand she had in Antipater's wicked practices; and that as
to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and
a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which he pleased.
When Herod heard this, he was some-what better, out of the pleasure he had from
the contents of the letters, and was elevated at the death of Acme, and at the
power that was given him over his son; but as his pains were become very great,
he was now ready to faint for want of somewhat to eat; so he called for an apple
and a knife; for it was his custom formerly to pare the apple himself, and soon
afterwards to cut it, and eat it. When he had got the knife, he looked about,
and had a mind to stab himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first
cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held his hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon
a woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a great tumult was made,
as if the king were dead. Upon which Antipater, who verily believed his father
was deceased, grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately and entirely
released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his hands without any
more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about letting him go, and in that
case promised him great things, both now and hereafter, as if that were the
only thing now in question. But the jailer did not only refuse to do what Antipater
would have him, but informed the king of his intentions, and how many solicitations
he had had from him [of that nature]. Hereupon Herod, who had formerly no affection
nor good-will towards his son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer
said, he cried out, and beat his head, although he was at death's door, and
raised himself upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards, and commanded
them to kill Antipater without any further delay, and to do it presently, and
to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania.
CHAPTER
8
CONCERNING HEROD'S DEATH, AND TESTAMENT, AND BURIAL
1. And now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind;
for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the kingdom, to be tetrarch
of Galilee and Perea, and granted the kingdom to Archelaus. He also gave Gaulonitis,
and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his son, but own brother to Archelaus,10
by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis
to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that was
coined. He also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving them
sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in a wealthy condition.
He bequeathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drachmae] of coined money, besides
both vessels of gold and silver, and garments exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar's
wife; and to certain others, five millions. When he had done these things, he
died, the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned,
since he had procured Antigonus11 to be slain, thirty-four
years; but since he had been declared king by the Romans, thirty-seven.—A man
he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion;
but above the consideration of what was right; yet was he favored by fortune
as much as any man ever was, for from a private man he became a king; and though
he were encompassed with ten thousand dangers, he got clear of them all, and
continued his life till a very old age. But then, as to the affairs of his family
and children, in which indeed, according to his own opinion, he was also very
fortunate, because he was able to conquer his enemies, yet, in my opinion, he
was herein very unfortunate.
2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the
king's death was made known, dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome,
and told them that the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and
take care of their own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit.
And now the king's death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the
soldiery together in the amphitheatre at Jericho; and the first thing they did
was, they read Herod's letter, written to the soldiery, thanking them for their
fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to afford his son Archelaus,
whom he had appointed for their king, like fidelity and good-will. After which
Ptolemy, who had the king's seal intrusted to him, read the king's testament,
which was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand when Caesar had
inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation made to Archelaus, as king;
and the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders with them, and promised
the same good-will to him, and readiness to serve him, which they had exhibited
to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant to him.
3. After this was over, they prepared for
his funeral, it being Archelaus's care that the procession to his father's sepulchre
should be very sumptuous. Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn
the pomp of the funeral. The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered
with very precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple,
as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it a crown
of gold: he also had a sceptre in his right hand. About the bier were his sons
and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery, distinguished according
to their several countries and denominations; and they were put into the following
order: first of all went his guards, then the band of Thracians, and after them
the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one in their habiliments
of war; and behind these marched the whole army in the same manner as they used
to go out to war, and as they used to be put in array by their muster-masters
and centurions; these were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying
spices. So they went eight furlongs, to Herodium; for there by his own command
he was to be buried. And thus did Herod end his life.
4. Now Archelaus paid him so much respect,
as to continue his mourning till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed
for it by the law of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to the multitude,
and left off his mourning, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations
and praises given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with the
rest who should appear to use the loudest acclamations. So he ascended a high
elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne made of gold, and spake
kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he received their acclamations,
and the marks of the good-will they showed to him; and returned them thanks
that they did not remember the injuries his father had done them to his disadvantage;
and promised them he would endeavor not to be behindhand with them in rewarding
their alacrity in his service, after a suitable manner; but that he should abstain
at present from the name of king, and that he should have the honor of that
dignity, if Caesar should confirm and settle that testament which his father
had made; and that it was on this account, that when the army would have put
the diadem on him at Jericho, he would not accept of that honor, which is usually
so much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally
concerned in bestowing it would give it him; although, by his acceptance of
the government, he should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness to
him and that it should be his endeavor, as to all things wherein they were concerned,
to prove in every respect better than his father. Whereupon the multitude, as
it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of those that enter upon
such governments declare the intentions of those that accept them; and so by
how much Archelaus spake the more gently and civilly to them, by so much did
they more highly commend him, and made application to him for the grant of what
they desired. Some made a clamor that he would ease them of some of their annual
payments; but others desired him to release those that were put into prison
by Herod, who were many, and had been put there at several times; others of
them required that he would take away those taxes which had been severely laid
upon what was publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing,
since he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude
to him, as looking upon that good-will to be a great step towards his preservation
of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook
himself to feast with his friends.
CHAPTER
9
HOW THE PEOPLE RAISED A SEDITION AGAINST ARCHELAUS, AND HOW HE SAILED TO ROME
1. At this time also it was that some of the Jews got together out of
a desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those that were slain with
him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral mourning, out of
the fear men were in of that man; they were those who had been condemned for
pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a great clamor and lamentation
hereupon, and cast out some reproaches against the king also, as if that tended
to alleviate the miseries of the deceased. The people assembled together, and
desired of Archelaus, that, in way of revenge on their account, he would inflict
punishment on those who had been honored by Herod; and that, in the first and
principal place, he would deprive that high priest whom Herod had made, and
would choose one more agreeable to the law, and of greater purity, to officiate
as high priest. This was granted by Archelaus, although he was mightily offended
at their importunity, because he proposed to himself to go to Rome immediately
to look after Caesar's determination about him. However, he sent the general
of his forces to use persuasions, and to tell them that the death which was
inflicted on their friends was according to the law; and to represent to them
that their petitions about these things were carried to a great height of injury
to him; that the time was not now proper for such petitions, but required their
unanimity until such time as he should be established in the government by the
consent of Caesar, and should then be come back to them; for that he would then
consult with them in common concerning the purport of their petitions; but that
they ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem seditious persons.
2. So when the king had suggested these
things, and instructed his general in what he was to say, be sent him away to
the people; but they made a clamor, and would not give him leave to speak, and
put him in danger of his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture
upon saying openly any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and prevent
their going on in their present courses, because they had more concern to have
all their own wills performed than to yield obedience to their governors; thinking
it to be a thing insufferable, that, while Herod was alive, they should lose
those that were most dear to them, and that when he was dead, they could not
get the actors to be punished. So they went on with their designs after a violent
manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended to please them,
and being unskilful in foreseeing what dangers they incurred; and when they
had suspicion of such a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took in the
punishment of those they deemed their enemies overweigh all such considerations;
and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, yet they treated them not
as messengers sent by him, but as persons that came of their own accord to mitigate
their anger, and would not let one of them speak. The sedition also was made
by such as were in a great passion; and it was evident that they were proceeding
further in seditious practices, by the multitude running so fast upon them.
3. Now, upon the approach of that feast
of unleavened bread, which the law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews
at this time, which feast is called the Passover,12
and is a memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices
with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more sacrifices in number
than at any other festival; and when an innumerable multitude came thither out
of the country, nay, from beyond its limits also, in order to worship God, the
seditious lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers of the laws, and kept
together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because these seditious persons
were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was afraid lest some terrible thing
should spring up by means of these men's madness, he sent a regiment of armed
men, and with them a captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent efforts
of the seditious before the whole multitude should be infected with the like
madness; and gave them this charge, that if they found any much more openly
seditious than others, and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring
them to him. But those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the
law, irritated the people by the noise and clamors they used to encourage the
people in their designs; so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and came
up to them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran
away wounded, and their captain among them; and when they had thus done, they
returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus
thought there was no way to preserve the entire government but by cutting off
those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army upon them,
and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents without the temple
from assisting those that were within the temple, and to kill such as ran away
from the footmen when they thought themselves out of danger; which horsemen
slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the neighboring mountains. Then
did Archelaus order proclamation to be made to them all, that they should retire
to their own homes; so they went away, and left the festival, out of fear of
somewhat worse which would follow, although they had been so bold by reason
of their want of instruction. So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother,
and took with him Nicolaus and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and
left Philip his brother as governor of all things belonging both to his own
family and to the public. There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister
who took with her, her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which
kindred of hers went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the
kingdom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of
what he had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs,
as he was making haste into Judea to preserve Herod's effects, met with Archelaus
at Caesarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came at that time, and restrained
him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for by Archelaus, by the
means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon
any of the castles that were among the Jews, nor did he seal up the treasures
in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them, until Caesar should declare his
resolution about them; so that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at Caesarea.
But after Archelaus was sailed for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus
went to Jerusalem, and seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers
of the garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod's effects,
and declared publicly that he should require them to give an account of what
they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those
who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but
continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them; and
their pretence was, that they kept them all for Caesar.
4. At the same time also did Antipas, another
of Herod's sons, sail to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed
up by Salome with promises that he should take that government; and that he
was a much honester and fitter man than Archelaus for that authority, since
Herod had, in his former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king,
which ought to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also
brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had
been Herod's most honored friend, and was now zealous for Antipas; but it was
Irenaeus the orator, and one who, on account of his reputation for sagacity,
was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him
to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose means it was, that when some advised
him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been declared
king by their father's last will, he would not submit so to do. And when he
was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will
to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of
all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor;
but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas
preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom
for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar.
5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers
to Caesar, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father's testament,
with the accounts of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal,
he so expected the event; but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus's
and Sabinus's letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual
incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to
lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions,
and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he
had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as
pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. Now Antipater,
Salome's son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first
to this purpose: that it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now to have the
kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the power over it
to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold
actions of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival; and if the men
had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them should have been reserved
to those that were out of the country, but had the power to punish them, and
not been executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury
to Caesar, by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar;
but if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since
he who was putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to have that
power granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to
himself]. He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the
commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne beforehand, and
his determination of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king.
He appealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public
account, and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater
if he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also ascribed to
him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other
things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done,
and easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a
nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of
ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with his neglect
of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having merry meetings the very
night in which he died; and that it was thence the multitude took the handle
of raising a tumult: and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who
had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him,
by pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an actor on the stage,
but every night making mirth for having gotten the government, he would appear
to be the same Archelaus with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom,
which he hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as
though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to
his funeral, that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor
to him. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came now
before Caesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before acted
in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had fixed
him firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated in his pleading was
the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the
festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were
foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead
bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but by one who pretended to
the lawful title of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny which
his nature prompted him to, and which is hated by all men. On which account
his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom,
when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former
and more authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed;
but that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in a
dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was
ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him capable of
managing his own affairs: and if his father had the like notion of him formerly
that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a sufficient specimen what a king
he is likely to be, when he hath [in effect] deprived Caesar of that power of
disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath not abstained from
making a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens in the temple, while lie
was but a private person.
6. So when Antipater had made this speech,
and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's
own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up
to plead for Archelaus, and said, "That what had been done at the temple was
rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than to the
authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things are
not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing sober
persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now it is evident that what these did
in way of opposition was done under pretence, indeed, against Archelaus, but
in reality against Caesar himself, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked
and slew those who were sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a stop to
their doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom Antipater
yet is not ashamed to patronise, whether it be out of his indulgence of an enmity
to Archelaus, or out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who
begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous actions, they are the
men who force those that punish them to betake themselves to arms even against
their will. So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to
all those who were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused
of injustice has been done but what was derived from them as its authors; nor
are those things evil in themselves, but so represented only in order to do
harm to Archelaus. Such is these men's inclination to do an injury to a man
that is of their kindred, their father's benefactor, and familiarity acquainted
with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; for that, as to
this testament, it was made by the king when he was of a sound mind, and so
ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that for this reason,
because Caesar is therein left to be the judge and disposer of all therein contained;
and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings
of those men, who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions been joint
partakers of power with him, and yet do zealously endeavor to injure his determination,
while they have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsman [which Archelaus
had]. Caesar will not therefore disannul the testament of a man whom he had
entirely supported, of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed
to him in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar's virtuous and upright disposition,
which is known and uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate the
wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having lost
his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son of his, and
to one who flies to Caesar's upright determination for refuge. Nor can Herod
at any time have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor, while he showed
so much prudence as to submit all to Caesar's determination."
7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things
before Caesar, he ended his plea; whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Archelaus,
that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said that
he well deserved the kingdom; and he soon let them know that he was so far moved
in his favor, that he would not act otherwise than his father's testament directed,
and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this encouragement
to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination about
him; and when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself whether he
should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among
all Herod's posterity; and this because they all stood in need of much assistance
to support them.
CHAPTER
10
A SEDITION OF THE JEWS AGAINST SABINUS; AND HOW VARUS BROUGHT THE AUTHORS OF
IT TO PUNISHMENT
1. But before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace,
Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters came
from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Caesar of the revolt of the
Jews; for after Archelaus was sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus,
since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to punishment;
and when he had restrained them for the most part from this sedition, which
was a great one, he took his journey to Antioch, leaving one legion of his army
at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet
did not this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after Varus
was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar's procurator, staid behind, and greatly distressed
the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there that they would by their
multitude protect him; for he made use of them, and armed them as his guards,
thereby so oppressing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at
length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously
pressed on the search after the king's money, in order to seize upon it by force,
on account of his love of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.
2. But on the approach of pentecost, which
is a festival of ours, so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many
ten thousands of men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival,
but out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries
he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many
men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and inhabited
those parts. This whole multitude joined themselves to all the rest, and were
more zealous than the others in making an assault on Sabinus, in order to be
avenged on him; so they parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves
in the places following:—some of them seized on the hippodrome and of the other
two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple to the
southern, on the east quarter; but the third band held the western part of the
city, where the king's palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the
Romans, and to enclose them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these men's
number, and of their resolution, who had little regard to their lives, but were
very desirous not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance
to overcome their enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as
he used to do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly
to his assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and
would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces; while he
did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus, which had
been built in honor of Phasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called so when the
Parthians had brought him to his death.13 So Sabinus
gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not
himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and thought he might
expect that the others should expose themselves first to die on account of his
avarice. However, the Romans ventured to make a sally out of the place, and
a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries,
yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight
of that terrible slaughter that was made of them; but they went round about,
and got upon those cloisters which encompassed the outer court of the temple,
where a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans,
partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those
exercises. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief,
because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others,
and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried
to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach
them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this
sort of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who were greatly
distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those
that were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This fire,14
being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold immediately on
the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was full of pitch and wax, and
whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the flame presently, and those
vast works, which were of the highest value and esteem, were destroyed utterly,
while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for
as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others
of them were killed by their enemies who encompassed them. There was a great
number more, who, out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment
at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the fire,
or threw themselves upon their swords, and so got out of their misery. But as
to those that retired behind the same way by which they ascended, and thereby
escaped, they were all killed by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their
courage failing them; their wild fury being now not able to help them, because
they were destitute of armor, insomuch that of those that went up to the top
of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where
it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money
was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus
got openly four hundred talents.
3. But this calamity of the Jews' friends,
who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money
dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued
best together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened
to set fire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them
to go out presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would not
hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part of the king's
troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the
most warlike of Herod's army with them, who were men of active bodies, went
over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Rufus,
which itself went over to the Romans also. However, the Jews went on with the
siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and besought those that were gone
over to the other side not to be their hindrance, now they had such a proper
opportunity for the recovery of their country's ancient liberty; and for Sabinus,
truly he was desirous of going away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust
himself with the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them;
and he took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should
not comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was coming, he
still bore the siege.
4. Now at this time there were ten thousand
other disorders in Judea, which were like tumults, because a great number put
themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves,
or out of enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thousand of Herod's old soldiers,
who had been already disbanded, got together in Judea itself, and fought against
the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them; but
as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts by the military
skill of those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses that were there, and saved
what he could.
5. There was also Judas,15
the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was
a very strong man, and had with great difficulty been caught by Herod. This
Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about
Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon
all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those
that were with him, and carried away what money was left there; and he became
terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and all
this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal
dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of his virtuous skill
in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries.
6. There was also Simon, who had been a
slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and
robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had
had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly
state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, while a certain
number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king,
and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt
down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also
set fire to many other of the king's houses in several places of the country,
and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what
was left in them for a prey; and he would have done greater things, unless care
had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself
to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon, and
after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea,
who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skilful
manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away
through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. The
royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party
of men that were got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did
a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king
to keep the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to
reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame,
because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of
their affairs.
7. But because Athronges, a person neither
eminent by the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed
of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known
by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength
of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet
a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should
be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design. He
had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be
superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged
to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them
in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own;
for those that got together to them were very numerous. They were every one
of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate
to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled
a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done
according to his pleasure. And this man retained his power a great while; he
was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased.
He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of
the king's forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them.
The king's forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had
been allowed under Herod's government; and they fell upon the Romans, because
of the injuries they had so lately received from them. But in process of time
they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one
or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain,
and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company of
Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon
Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best
of his foot soldiers; but the rest of them were affrighted at their slaughter,
and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus,
who came with the king's troops that were about him to their assistance. Now
these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions,
and much grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief.
Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another
with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last
of them was so dejected at the other's misfortune, and saw so plainly that he
had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness
and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his
promise and oath to God [to preserve his life]. But these things came to pass
a good while afterward.
8. And now Judea was full of robberies;
and as the several companies of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them,
he was created a king immediately, in order to do mischief to the public. They
were in some small measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans;
but the murders they committed upon their own people lasted a long while.
9. As soon as Varus was once informed of
the state of Judea by Sabinus's writing to him, he was afraid for the legion
he had left there; so he took the two other legions, (for there were three legions
in all belonging to Syria,) and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary
forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and
made what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea. He
also gave order that all that were sent out for this expedition, should make
haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries
as he passed through their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Petrea, out
of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase the favor of the Romans, sent
him no small assistance, besides their footmen and horsemen; and when he had
now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them to his son,
and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which
lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais; who made an attack upon the enemy, and
put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and
burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march for Samaria with his whole
army; yet did not he meddle with the city of that name, because it had not at
all joined with the seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that
belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, which the Arabians burnt, out of their
hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they
marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered
and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this
march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter.
Emmaus was also burnt by Varus's order, after its inhabitants had deserted it,
that he might avenge those that had there been destroyed. From thence he now
marched to Jerusalem; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there, and who had
besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army, left the siege
imperfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached them bitterly
for what had been done, they cleared themselves of the accusation, and alleged
that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war was
not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the strangers, while
they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged together with them, rather
than having any inclination to besiege them. There also came beforehand to meet
Varus, Joseph, the cousin-german of king Herod, as also Gratus and Rufus, who
brought their soldiers along with them, together with those Romans who had been
besieged; but Sabinus did not come into Varus's presence, but stole out of the
city privately, and went to the sea-side.
10. Upon this, Varus sent a part of his
army into the country, to seek out those that had been the authors of the revolt;
and when they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty,
and some he dismissed: now the number of those that were crucified on this account
were two thousand. After which he disbanded his army, which he found no way
useful to him in the affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very
disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them to do, and
this out of regard to that gain which they made by the mischief they did. As
for himself, when he was informed that ten thousand Jews had gotten together,
he made haste to catch them; but they did not proceed so far as to fight him,
but, by the advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered themselves
up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to the multitude, but
sent their several commanders to Caesar, many of whom Caesar dismissed; but
for the several relations of Herod who had been among these men in this war,
they were the only persons whom he punished, who, without the least regard to
justice, fought against their own kindred.
CHAPTER
11
AN EMBASSAGE TO CAESAR; AND HOW CAESAR CONFIRMED HEROD'S TESTAMENT
1. So when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the former
legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus, he had
new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions following: for
an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation
to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own
laws.16 Now the number of the ambassadors that were
sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight
thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already. Hereupon Caesar assembled his
friends, and the chief men among the Romans, in the temple of Apollo,17
which he had built at a vast charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude
of the Jews that were there already came with them, as did also Archelaus and
his friends; but as for the several kinsmen which Archelaus had, they would
not join themselves with him, out of their hatred to him; and yet they thought
it too gross a thing for them to assist the ambassadors [against him], as supposing
it would be a disgrace to them in Caesar's opinion to think of thus acting in
opposition to a man of their own kindred. Philip18
also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus, with this principal
intention to assist his brother [Archelaus]; for Varus was his great friend:
but still so, that if there should any change happen in the form of government,
(which Varus suspected there would,) and if any distribution should be made
on account of the number that desired the liberty of living by their own laws,
that he might not be disappointed, but might have his share in it.
2. Now upon the liberty that was given to
the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly
government betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared
that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable
authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that
authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making many
innovations among them besides, according to his own inclinations; and that
whereas there were a great many who perished by that destruction he brought
upon them, so many indeed as no other history relates, they that survived were
far more miserable than those that suffered under him; not only by the anxiety
they were in from his looks and disposition towards them, but from the danger
their estates were in of being taken away by him. That he did never leave off
adorning these cities that lay in their neighborhood, but were inhabited by
foreigners; but so that the cities belonging to his own government were ruined,
and utterly destroyed that whereas, when he took the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary
flourishing condition, he had filled the nation with the utmost degree of poverty;
and when, upon unjust pretences, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away
their estates; and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned them
to the forfeiture of what they possessed. And besides the annual impositions
which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents to
himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed
the favor of being his tax-gatherers, because there was no way of obtaining
a freedom from unjust violence without giving either gold or silver for it.
That they would say nothing of the corruption of the chastity of their virgins,
and the reproach laid on their wives for incontinency, and those things acted
after an insolent and inhuman manner; because it was not a smaller pleasure
to the sufferers to have such things concealed, than it would have been not
to have suffered them. That Herod had put such abuses upon them as a wild beast
would not have put on them, if he had power given him to rule over us; and that
although their nation had passed through many subversions and alterations of
government, their history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been
under, that could be compared with this which Herod had brought upon their nation;
that it was for this reason that they thought they might justly and gladly salute
Archelaus as king, upon this supposition, that whosoever should be set over
their kingdom, he would appear more mild to them than Herod had been; and that
they had joined with him in the mourning for his father, in order to gratify
him, and were ready to oblige him in other points also, if they could meet with
any degree of moderation from him; but that he seemed to be afraid lest he should
not be deemed Herod's own son; and so, without any delay, he immediately let
the nation understand his meaning, and this before his dominion was well established,
since the power of disposing of it belonged to Caesar, who could either give
it to him or not, as he pleased. That he had given a specimen of his future
virtue to his subjects, and with what kind of moderation and good administration
he would govern them, by that his first action, which concerned them, his own
citizens, and God himself also, when he made the slaughter of three thousand
of his own countrymen at the temple. How then could they avoid the just hatred
of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added this as one of our crimes,
that we have opposed and contradicted him in the exercise of his authority?
Now the main thing they desired was this: that they might be delivered from
kingly and the like forms of government,19 and might
be added to Syria, and be put under the authority of such presidents of theirs
as should be sent to them; for that it would thereby be made evident, whether
they be really a seditious people, and generally fond of innovations, or whether
they would live in an orderly manner, if they might have governors of any sort
of moderation set over them.
3. Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus
vindicated the kings from those accusations, and said, that as for Herod, since
he had never been thus accused20 all the time of his
life, it was not fit for those that might have accused him of lesser crimes
than those now mentioned, and might have procured him to be punished during
his lifetime, to bring an accusation against him now he is dead. He also attributed
the actions of Archelaus to the Jews' injuries to him, who, affecting to govern
contrary to the laws, and going about to kill those that would have hindered
them from acting unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had
done, made their complaints against him; so he accused them of their attempts
for innovation, and of the pleasure they took in sedition, by reason of their
not having learned to submit to justice and to the laws, but still desiring
to be superior in all things. This was the substance of what Nicolaus said.
4. When Caesar had heard these pleadings,
he dissolved the assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus,
not indeed to be king of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of
that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity
hereafter, if he governed his part virtuously. But as for the other half, he
divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod's sons, to Philip
and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom.
Now to him it was that Perea and G